Wednesday, July 23, 2008

Why 43% Still Voted For Robert Mugabe on March 29, 2008

A question that many people outside Zimbabwe have been posing for sometime now is, if Robert Mugabe is as bad as the international media portrays him to be and if he is indeed the source of the miseries of Zimbabweans, why did at least 43% of the voters (according to the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission results) vote for him and why did his party ZANU-PF win about 48% of the parliamentary seats and 50% of the senate seats (the two MDCs got 52% in parliament and 50% in senate)? I haven't heard of any comprehensive explanation i.e. an explanation which has done justice to this question. First of all it is important to mention that, the Zimbabwe situation is a very complex one and not easy to comprehend for people who are outside of that country and who haven't followed the rule of Robert Mugabe over the last 28 years. It is also very difficult to those who do not understand how ZANU-PF has functioned as a ruling party since 1980. This complexity is the reason for this dichotomy between the general belief that Zimbabwe's economic and political deterioration is largely due to Robert Mugabe and his party, but at the same time the fact that almost 50% of the voting public voted for him in the March 2008 elections (inspite of the "suffering" they experience largely because of him). In many languages there is a saying which goes something like "abused people tend to gravitate towards and be attracted to the source of their pain." This is similar to what psychologists term "the battered woman syndrome" where an abused woman get more and more "attracted" to the abuser and doesn't seem to be able to run away from the source of the abuse.
I am not sure if there is anything called "battered man syndrome."

The following might be viewed by some as a simplistic view about the 50% Zimbabweans who voted for Mugabe, but it is an attempt to unpack the issue. The following five reasons are some of the reasons that I believe might explain this strange phenomenon.


1. The History of Liberation Struggle of the 1970s
Mugabe led a very brutal war against the Smith government in the 1970s. This was a guerrilla war which also involved the population (especially in the rural areas). The ZANLA (ZANU's military wing) would penetrate into Zimbabwe from their bases in Mozambique and engage in battles with the Rhodesian army. The ZANLA forces depended on the people in the rural areas for support, information about the movements of the Rhodesian soldiers in the area, food and clothing. The people were part and parcel of the war. The ZANLA forces would also hold rallies and political meetings with villagers at night to "politically educate" them, and also to ensure their support. Who ever did not support the war or was accused of having informed the Rhodesian soldiers about the movements of the ZANLA forces, was considered a "sell-out" and would be killed in full view of the others. And in some cases the entire immediate family of the "sell out" would be killed (including children) in public. This was meant to send a message to the people that "if you do not support us you die." The liberation war was often driven on fear, "just and necessary" as some people might argue it was (in order to liberate people from the oppressive white regime).
Of course in such a war, there are also innocent casualties, people who are falsely accused and killed.

Any Zimbabwean who is about 42 years old and older still has vivid memories of this war. More than 28 years after the end of the war, some people might expect these people to have lost the memory and fear of the war, but the stories of people who experienced World War 2 in Europe, who are still traumatized by it almost 60 years later proves that some memories last forever. One notices that this older generation of Zimbabwean voters has been the power base of ZANU-PF over the years. Without generalising too much, many of these would rather vote ZANU-PF if that would stop the return of some form of violence. The violence perpetrated by the so called "War Veterans" in the early 2000s and now just before the June 27 re-run election, proved that ZANU-PF is still a militant party which easily resorts to violence to achieve its goals and therefore unable or unwilling to allow the democratic will of the people prevail, if that will threatens its power. The War Veterans of the 2000s called their violent actions the "Chimurenga" i.e. the liberation war.

All through his 28year rule, Robert Mugabe has constantly referred to the war of the 70s and at every opportunity reminded people that his party is going to war to fight the "puppets of the West" (that's what he calls any opposition party). The militant nature of the propaganda churned by the State media (100% controlled by the government/ZANU-PF) has always reminded people that for ZANU-PF "the bullet is more powerful than the X on the ballot paper."


2. The ZANU-PF Grip on the Rural Population
The apposition parties have always been strong in the urban areas where the effects of the economic collapse are immediately felt as jobs are lost, food and rental prices go up etc. But ZANU-PF, because of their experience in the war of the 70s where they heavily relied on the rural population, realised that they need to close out the rural areas from the opposition. The majority of the Zimbabwe population (maybe 60%) is in the rural areas. Chiefs and Heads of Villages are the authority figures in the villages. They allocate land to people and they are a force to reckon with. Right from the start, Mugabe made sure the Chiefs were on his side. This is achieved either through bribery or intimidation. He gave them certain powers and benefits but on condition that they towed the government/ZANU-PF line. That way, the chiefs "campaigned" for Robert Mugabe. Villagers have always been made to understand that there was no room for opposition people in the areas. In the 2000, Mugabe gave Chiefs cars, tractors, salaries etc. At meetings where these benefits were announced, government ministers or Mugabe himself would publicly announce that if a Chief was found to be an opposition supporter he would be stripped of his Chieftainship and benefits taken away. Chiefs were also told to ensure that their people voted "correctly" i.e. vote for ZANU-PF. There have been elections where villagers were told to go to polling stations in groups to vote. There have been cases where ZANU-PF had told villagers that, government would know whether the majority in the village voted ZANU-PF or another party. This was of course easy to know because in most cases there was one or two polling stations in each village and people voted at specific polling stations where they were registered on the voters roll. It would be easy to know that the majority in the village voted ZANU-PF or another party (without knowing who voted for who specifically). ZANU-PF threatened to stop any aid and development in villages which voted for any other party. In the urban areas, it was a different story because people were more "independent" from such threats and did not depend on "aid" from government to the same extent as the rural areas. On top of that, there are no "Chiefs" in the towns and cities to enforce ZANU-PF's wishes.

But one should also not ignore the fact that Robert Mugabe did a lot of good things to uplift the rural areas which had been neglected by the previous white government. He put roads, clinics, schools and the people were very grateful. Such basic things normally mean the world to rural people, who then often remain indebted to the government forever. ZANU-PF then used this to campaign to the rural people, as if it was ZANU-PF as a party which did all that. These developments were mostly paid for through aid money from the western world, but the people never got that part of the story. They were told that ZANU-PF was building them roads and clinics.

3. Mugabe's Stronghold on the Media
The Mugabe government has always had a tight grip on the media, both print and electronic media. The daily newspapers are state owned and state run. The government has absolute control on what gets published and how it is published.
Independent papers have struggled in Zimbabwe and many have closed down. In the 1990s, as the opposition became stronger a daily paper called "The Daily News" came up. It became so popular that it outsold the government papers e.g. The Herald and The Chronicle. The then Information Minister (Jonathan Moyo) crafted a media law which in the end led to the collapse of this paper. The printing press of The Daily News was bombed one night (a few days after Moyo had threatened it). Although the security people at the printing house reported to the police, the car which came with the "bombers" (and even its registration plates) to the police, a case was never opened (even today, 6 years later). The electronic media (TV and Radio) are also 100% state controlled. The propaganda from the media is nauseating. The opposition has little or no access at all. Opposition election adverts are rejected and not run and there is nothing anybody can do about it.
Radio, which has a wide coverage and the only source of information for over 90% of the population (especially rural people) is a ZANU-PF tool to indoctrinate, threaten and brain wash people. Unless people have an alternative source of information, all they hear and see and read is ZANU-PF propaganda.
Of late ZANU-PF has been "preaching" that the MDC opposition is a British puppet and that the economic miseries of Zimbabweans are caused by sanctions imposed upon Zimbabwe by the West at the request of MDC. The reason, people are told, is because the government took land from the whites to give to the blacks.
Blacks in Zimbabwe generally are farmers and the land issue was one of the reasons for the war of liberation. When ZANU-PF presents the story this way, many people who don't know otherwise (especially rural people who live from the land) believe it. ZANU-PF also tells people that if they vote MDC into power, MDC will allow the whites back and re-posses the land.

4. The Land Invasions in the 2000s
The land invasions of the 2000 reminded people that ZANU-PF is still militant at its core and will resort to violence to achieve its goals. This has reminded the older and rural people that even after 28 years of independence, ZANU-PF can go to "war". The land invasions were also used by ZANU-PF to bribe people. The issue of land was a legitimate one and many opposition parties in the past have always criticised the government of being too slow with land retribution. Robert Mugabe only did the invasions in the 2000 when he realised that the opposition was becoming popular and he needed something extra-ordinary to "regain" his grip on power. This is proven by the fact that many farms taken over in the invasions are lying idle or are unproductive (5 years later). If the purpose of the invasion was to start an agrarian reform which was equitable, then those farms would be productive today. The land issue was used to bribe people, create a hype around reversing the uneven land distribution as well as to punish the white farmers who were beginning to support MDC.

5. ZANU-PF's Huge Capacity to Bribe or Brutalise

ZANU-PF uses two methods to make sure people tow the line. They either bribe you (hence very little is done to solve the corruption. Corruption is part of the bribe) or they threaten you. In times of poor harvests, food aid has often been channelled through government agencies. People have often been threatened that if they don't support ZANU-PF, they won't get food. ZANU-PF membership cards have been asked for as proof before people get food aid. Those who are too stubborn to succumb to bribery have had their lives threatened and some have been killed or have their houses burnt down. Because the media is under government control and outside media is not allowed into Zimbabwe (without government permission but only few if at all ever get that permission), many of these stories are never reported to the outside world.

The five reasons above are only some of the issues that might help outsiders understand how the ZANU-PF machinery works and why they have managed to stay in power for so long in spite of their record of mismanagement and corruption. These are not exhaustive and might not explain the entire picture but they should go a long way in doing that.

Unless one actually lives in Zimbabwe and talks to people and hears their stories, one might wonder why things are the way they are and why one still finds a huge number (over 40%) of people voting for Robert Mugabe. Only an in-depth analysis will unpack all the complex reasons.

Finally, one must not forget to mention that there are also people in Zimbabwe who genuinely support ZANU-PF and Robert Mugabe and will die and kill for him. Why they support him, is for them to answer but the more difficult question would be "how many they really are?" My answer is, somwhere between 20 and 25%.

3 comments:

Anonymous said...

Alvin, I take your point that the Zimbabwe situation is not easy to comprehend for people who are outside the country. What surprises me though is that ZANU-PF garnered only 43% of the vote and not more. My surprise is in light of the five reasons you give, where the first four really boil down to the fifth: ZANU-PF use intimidation and bribery to achieve their objectives. They also seemed to be in a position to rig the elections again. So for me the fact that MDC received as many votes as they did stands as a testament to the bravery and integrity of so many Zimbabweans in the face of terrible brutality and corruption. So at least for this outsider, the situation in Zimbabwe is not that complex. It is as simple as understanding why the playground bully eats the little kids lunch. He is powerful enough to get his way and nobody more powerful tries to stop him. What do you think of the idea that Mugabe is not really in power anymore but that a cabal of 6 men, Emmerson Mnangagwa, Constantine Chiwenga, Augustine Chihuri, Paradzai Zimondi, Perence Shiri and Gideon Gono are really in control of the country? There is an article by Andrew Malone that makes this allegation as well as that the participation of Zimbabwean troops in the war in the Congo was actually part of a massive gem-smuggling operation to enrich especially Mnangagwa?

Pitso said...

My main worry is whether the recent MOU by the three political parties will bear fruit? Will Mugabe (and his evil backers) settle for a junior partnership in the new government or will they become equal partners with the MDC. If the latter comes true, then an injustice even greater than the last rigged one man show would have occured.

The result of these will only serve to protect the men who ruined Zimbwabwe!None of them will be brought to justice and this will mean that MDC will have to rule a country controlled by Mugabe and his associates!!!

AlvinM said...

There have been rumors to the effect that it is no longer Mugabe running the country but the JOC. Of course, given the secretive nature of the ZANU-PF regime, it is difficult to confirm that. But based on anecdotal and circumstancial evidence, it is very likely so. Mugabe has always relied on the military, the police the security apparatus to prop him up. That is why he tries to appease the army with salary increases, but this is now becoming difficult to keep up because it's getting more and more difficult to print money. They are running out of paper to print money and at some point the economics won't just work. With no goods to buy and many people demanding Rands and US dollars or British pounds for services and goods, printing Zim dollars doesn't work anymore. Mugabe militarised the institutions over the 28 years of power. If you look at the guys heading many state institutions, they are all ex-army guys who were with Mugabe in the 1970 war.He takes army generals and makes them heads of various state institutions. Mugabe has, by his nature never trusted anybody. The people he appoints have a long history of the liberation struggle with Mugabe. e.g. the last Attorney General was ex-army guy. There is no argument about the huge influence the army has on Mugabe. It is a symbiotic relationship. Mugabe gets "protection" from them and he alows them to loot the country.
The DRC war benefited a lot of the JOC guys. Army resources were used to move private goods for these guys. It wouldn't surprise anybody if it was the JOC guys who stopped Mugabe from resigning after losing on March 29 and promised to deliver to him a "victory" on June 27 by hook and crook. Which they did.
On the MOU and the ZANU-PF/MDC talks taking place, I am confident the opposition has learnt over the years that Mugabe can not be trusted and will not give up power. He will try to absorb them but remain the leader of the new administration. ZAPU was "forced" into such an arrangement in 1987 and that was the end of that party. But in 1987, Zimbabwe had a functioning economy and Mugabe had no reason to negotiate with them. He had no sanctions and the world was not even looking. The world had the apartheid South Africa regime the township uprisings to deal with. They also had the Cubans in Angola, Namibian problem plus the Cold War. Eastern Europe and Russia and Ballistic Missiles were a big issue for the rest of the world. Mugabe could massacre people in Matebeland and no one raised a finger. ZAPU realised that no one cared about them and so they gave in to save their own lives. The conditions are different today. Mugabe needs the MDC more than the MDC needs Mugabe. If Mugabe walks away from the talks because they don't want him to remain executive president (based on what really? He lost March 29 and June 27 was a sham and NO ONE - even Mbeki- can defend the June 27 results!), it will be difficult to avoid more sanctions applied on hi,. On top of that the economy has virtually collapsed and the top ZANU guys are beginning to feel it. He has nothing to bribe them with. MDC can walk away from the talks and they can, with some moral authority, claim that March 29 should be the basis for any discussion and I wonder who will oppose them. If the talks fail because they can't agree on the headship of the new government, it will still be Mugabe's fault and he will get the blame. Plus, at 84, I doubt if Mugabe has the willpower and energy to take on the rest of the world.
I am sure the MDC knows that Mugabe is in a very weak state and for him to get out, he needs the MDC. I trust that they will use the trump card very well.